Note: this is a personal study guide for my course on Islam.
Fadwa El Guindi explores the contemporary Islamic movement in Egypt, comparing it the revival of women wearing the veil. She notes the apparent contradiction of a modern, college-educated woman veiling herself entirely, and eventually concludes that this (along with the movement) is part of the balancing act between tradition and modernity. El Guindi contends that religiousness was connected to the defeat in the Arab-Israeli War and its affect on the nation's psyche - the belief at the time was that the decline in religious activity was the cause of the defeat. This impact continued to the time of her study and helped in the creation of an alternative Islam. However, El Guindi asserts that there is a difference between the impact of the war and on the Islamic movement that began in the early 70s. The Ramadan Crossing is seen as defining the beginning of this movement. In regards to the veil, it is seen as an option for women to either be vulnerable (not wearing the veil) or untouchable (wearing the veil). The movement should not simply be seen in terms of a social protest, but as reaffirming traditional values while maintaining modernity.
Monday, December 10, 2007
Literary Women in Islam
Note: this is a personal study guide for my course on Islam.
In "Braiding the Stories", Mohja Kahf seeks to retrieve women's literary heritage in the Islamic tradition. She contends that women were important in the "verbal texts of Islam". Kahf's first step in this search is to redefine literature so that it is a broader category to include compositions that have "rhetorical eloquence". She defines "balagha" as rhetoric, which could include women's writings, but she says that expressiveness was at odds with feminine reticence. Balagha had a male bias. There is a special term for women's writing in classical Islam. She cites the example of Nasaiba's narratives on the Prophet Muhammad (such as the one about the battle of Uhud) as one example of women's literature in early Islam. She also cites the example of Khawla's balagha in the Qu'ran. Kahf also cites gynocentric portrayals of men in the Qu'ran and in early Islamic literature, which is comparative to androcentric literature about women.
In "Braiding the Stories", Mohja Kahf seeks to retrieve women's literary heritage in the Islamic tradition. She contends that women were important in the "verbal texts of Islam". Kahf's first step in this search is to redefine literature so that it is a broader category to include compositions that have "rhetorical eloquence". She defines "balagha" as rhetoric, which could include women's writings, but she says that expressiveness was at odds with feminine reticence. Balagha had a male bias. There is a special term for women's writing in classical Islam. She cites the example of Nasaiba's narratives on the Prophet Muhammad (such as the one about the battle of Uhud) as one example of women's literature in early Islam. She also cites the example of Khawla's balagha in the Qu'ran. Kahf also cites gynocentric portrayals of men in the Qu'ran and in early Islamic literature, which is comparative to androcentric literature about women.
Women in the Ottoman Empire
Note: This is a personal study guide for my class on Islam.
Subjects of the Ottoman Empire used a variety of words to denote male and female. These various words are associated with age and sex at different periods in a person's life; gender identity transformed over a person's lifespan by ascribing behaviors to each part of the life cycle. Hierarchies existed between age groups, and gender identity was not static. Pierce states that there was a "complex overlapping of male and female hierarchies." The transformation of roles throughout ones lifespan correlated with greater responsibilities. Life cycle stage also correlated with how much authority a person had, or how much authority was exerted on them. Pierce claims that these life cycle stages had an impact on how law was written in the Ottoman Empire, and in particular on how sexes might interact. Pierce concludes that conduct might be shaped by characteristics associated with different life cycle stages. Although these life cycle stages are defined, this does not necessarily suggest people's compliance with their defined roles.
Subjects of the Ottoman Empire used a variety of words to denote male and female. These various words are associated with age and sex at different periods in a person's life; gender identity transformed over a person's lifespan by ascribing behaviors to each part of the life cycle. Hierarchies existed between age groups, and gender identity was not static. Pierce states that there was a "complex overlapping of male and female hierarchies." The transformation of roles throughout ones lifespan correlated with greater responsibilities. Life cycle stage also correlated with how much authority a person had, or how much authority was exerted on them. Pierce claims that these life cycle stages had an impact on how law was written in the Ottoman Empire, and in particular on how sexes might interact. Pierce concludes that conduct might be shaped by characteristics associated with different life cycle stages. Although these life cycle stages are defined, this does not necessarily suggest people's compliance with their defined roles.
Her Faith, Her Voice
Review of "Her Voice, Her Faith" by Riffat Hassan.
Note: This is a personal study guide for my course on Islam.
Riffat Hassan begins her paper with a discussion on the four major sources that Islam takes its views from. These are the Qu'ran; Sunnah and Hadith; Ijma; and Ijtihad. The Qu'ran is the primary source of normative Islam. The Sunnah and Hadith are the next most important sources in Islam. These are the practices and the sayings of the Prophet. The Hadith is somewhat controversial in scholarship because some conform to the Qu'ran and others do not; laws in the Shari'ah that are based on the latter cannot be binding on Muslims. Each hadith has to be tested for authenticity by technical criteria and each hadith must be scrutinized for context and content to discern whether or not it is simply descriptive or also normative. Ijma is the "consensus of the community." Traditional Islam views the Ijma of the first three centuries as protected from error and binding on all future generations. Ijtihad is the thought processes by which the Ijma were constructed. Ijtihad is considered closed, but scholars like Syed Ahmad Khan and Muhammad Iqbal believe it is important to "reopen the gates" of Ijtihad.
Hassan asserts that while claims have been made that Islam has given women more rights than any other tradition, Islamic societies have remained largely patriarchal. She also concludes that while this is part of the reason for the lower status of women in Islamic countries than in Western countries, the view that the emancipation of women is a symbol of westernization also hampers the status of women.
Hassan has studied the Qu'ranic verses pertaining to women and has reinterpreted them from a non-patriarchal perspective. First, however, she explored the basic theological assumptions for women's status, the foremost of which was that woman was created for man. She concludes that there is no grounds for this assumption in the Qu'ran, because creation is depicted as egalitarian in the Qu'ran. In Islam, the view that Eve was created from Adam's rib has no basis in the Qu'ran; it entered the tradition indirectly through the hadith. Hassan contests that these hadith are not consistent with the Qu'ran and should not be accepted. Furthermore, there is no "Fall" in the Qu'ran.
After analyzing three separate instances in the Qu'ran, Hassan concludes that the Qu'ran is protective of the rights of women when read without a patriarchal bias.
Note: This is a personal study guide for my course on Islam.
Riffat Hassan begins her paper with a discussion on the four major sources that Islam takes its views from. These are the Qu'ran; Sunnah and Hadith; Ijma; and Ijtihad. The Qu'ran is the primary source of normative Islam. The Sunnah and Hadith are the next most important sources in Islam. These are the practices and the sayings of the Prophet. The Hadith is somewhat controversial in scholarship because some conform to the Qu'ran and others do not; laws in the Shari'ah that are based on the latter cannot be binding on Muslims. Each hadith has to be tested for authenticity by technical criteria and each hadith must be scrutinized for context and content to discern whether or not it is simply descriptive or also normative. Ijma is the "consensus of the community." Traditional Islam views the Ijma of the first three centuries as protected from error and binding on all future generations. Ijtihad is the thought processes by which the Ijma were constructed. Ijtihad is considered closed, but scholars like Syed Ahmad Khan and Muhammad Iqbal believe it is important to "reopen the gates" of Ijtihad.
Hassan asserts that while claims have been made that Islam has given women more rights than any other tradition, Islamic societies have remained largely patriarchal. She also concludes that while this is part of the reason for the lower status of women in Islamic countries than in Western countries, the view that the emancipation of women is a symbol of westernization also hampers the status of women.
Hassan has studied the Qu'ranic verses pertaining to women and has reinterpreted them from a non-patriarchal perspective. First, however, she explored the basic theological assumptions for women's status, the foremost of which was that woman was created for man. She concludes that there is no grounds for this assumption in the Qu'ran, because creation is depicted as egalitarian in the Qu'ran. In Islam, the view that Eve was created from Adam's rib has no basis in the Qu'ran; it entered the tradition indirectly through the hadith. Hassan contests that these hadith are not consistent with the Qu'ran and should not be accepted. Furthermore, there is no "Fall" in the Qu'ran.
After analyzing three separate instances in the Qu'ran, Hassan concludes that the Qu'ran is protective of the rights of women when read without a patriarchal bias.
Sunday, December 9, 2007
Women in the Algerian Revolution - pt. 2
Note: This is a study aid for my class on Islam.
How did women's participation in the decolonization effort impact their lives and gender relations?
According to Lazreg, more was asked of women than of men during the war because of ideas expressed by F.L.N literature. Lazreg contends that this same literature saw women's suffering as an inevitability. She also contends that the F.L.N. literature was ambivalent on the subject of women. Women bore the brunt of the war: one in five participating Algerian women died or were imprisoned. Women were subject to torture and rape.
Women were able to run all-female groups in charge of sanctuaries and supplies, but they were nearly absent from administrative positions in the country. With very few exceptions, women's participation in the movement fit a "traditional" pattern: men held positions of responsibility while women executed orders. On the other hand, women were able to sign their own marriage contracts and the F.L.N made sure that they actually wanted the marriage.
Men like Fanon (the first person to write on women's participation in the decolonization effort) viewed the participation of women in the war as a "complication." He contended that women's "cloistered" lives made them "less at ease" moving through city streets, and also asserted that it endangered their lives. Fanon's emphasis on what he saw as women's conflict with their body changed their participation in the war into a struggle over the veil.
How did women's participation in the decolonization effort impact their lives and gender relations?
According to Lazreg, more was asked of women than of men during the war because of ideas expressed by F.L.N literature. Lazreg contends that this same literature saw women's suffering as an inevitability. She also contends that the F.L.N. literature was ambivalent on the subject of women. Women bore the brunt of the war: one in five participating Algerian women died or were imprisoned. Women were subject to torture and rape.
Women were able to run all-female groups in charge of sanctuaries and supplies, but they were nearly absent from administrative positions in the country. With very few exceptions, women's participation in the movement fit a "traditional" pattern: men held positions of responsibility while women executed orders. On the other hand, women were able to sign their own marriage contracts and the F.L.N made sure that they actually wanted the marriage.
Men like Fanon (the first person to write on women's participation in the decolonization effort) viewed the participation of women in the war as a "complication." He contended that women's "cloistered" lives made them "less at ease" moving through city streets, and also asserted that it endangered their lives. Fanon's emphasis on what he saw as women's conflict with their body changed their participation in the war into a struggle over the veil.
Women in the Algerian Revolution - pt 1
Note: this is a study aid for my course on Islam.
How can we best understand women's participation in the war in Algeria? How did they come to enter the movement? Why did they enter it?
The participation in the decolonization effort by women ranged from approval of the war to active commitment in the movement. Their active commitment was in a variety of capacities, but the most prominent of these are as nurses, as caregivers and by running supplies to soldiers. Lazreg says that women were caught between their disapproval of the colonial government, their loyalty to male relatives participating in the war, and their dislike of repressive colonial laws. Their reasons for participating in the war ranged from the perceived injustice of the colonial government to a need to feel useful. Women were not originally encouraged to participate, and some were even discouraged. However, the F.L.N began to actively recruit women to work as nurses and to supply soldiers. FLN recruitment, along with chance and family circumstances, aided the involvement of women in the war.
How can we best understand women's participation in the war in Algeria? How did they come to enter the movement? Why did they enter it?
The participation in the decolonization effort by women ranged from approval of the war to active commitment in the movement. Their active commitment was in a variety of capacities, but the most prominent of these are as nurses, as caregivers and by running supplies to soldiers. Lazreg says that women were caught between their disapproval of the colonial government, their loyalty to male relatives participating in the war, and their dislike of repressive colonial laws. Their reasons for participating in the war ranged from the perceived injustice of the colonial government to a need to feel useful. Women were not originally encouraged to participate, and some were even discouraged. However, the F.L.N began to actively recruit women to work as nurses and to supply soldiers. FLN recruitment, along with chance and family circumstances, aided the involvement of women in the war.
Marsen Ch. 6 -- Scholars and Scoundrels: Rowshan's amulet-making ulama
Note: the following was written as a means of preparation for an upcoming exam in my course on Islam.
Throughout Living Islam, Magnus Marsden repeats the theme of the hidden and open parts of life in Chitral. In the sixth chapter, Marsden seeks to show how this applies to the lives and practices of the Sunni ulama (or dashmanan) - "men of learning" - in the village of Rowshan.
Marsden also has other goals in this chapter. First, he wants to show the interaction between Sufi-centered and reform-oriented types of Islamic knowledge and practice. Marsden wants to analyze how these affect the dashmanan and how they are perceived by the community. Second, he wants to explore the interaction between the changes men returning from madrasas wish to instill, and the emotional and intellectual response of villagers to the dashmanan and their Islamising messages. To what extent do the villagers defer to what the dashmanan teach? Marsden explores how religious education impacts the intellectual component of the village. He eventually concludes that Rowshan people think in a "multidimensional" way about the village's dashmanan, and that Rowshan villagers exercise a degree of choice, thought, and reflection that seems at odds with the account of ulama, madrasas, and "Taliban-style brainwashing" associated with South Asia. He also concludes that classifying Chitral's Muslims in either/or categories of religious views (such as traditionalist or Islamist, strict or liberal) over simplifies Islam in Rowshan. Ordinary villagers and dashmanan alike participate in thought and reasoning, and how to live a "mindful Muslim life." Rowshan people believe that both intellectual work and religious learning can "transform" emotional states. However, Rowshan people do have anxieties about excessive learning and improper religious education.
Insofar as religious education in the village is concerned, both girls and boys receive both "worldly" education and religious education. The religious schools are divided between Sunnis and Ismai'lis. Sunni children learn the Qu'ran and the Hadith by recognized dashmanan. They first memorize the Qu'ran, and then later receive stock "catechesis" on the meaning of the verses they have memorized. Ismai'li children are taught from approved Ismai'li textbooks by people who have taken some Ismai'li religious courses. While Ismai'li girls receive religious education until 18, Sunni girls receive it until around 12, when they are subject to more rigorous purdah than Ismai'li girls. Only a small number of boys from Rowshan study in madrasas. Marsden attributes this in part due to the Ismai'li population (Ismai'i boys never attend madrasas) and that the village associates madrasas with narrow minds. "Narrow minds" are viewed as a threat to village life.
The response to dashmanan varies in Rowshan. Some of Rowshan's villagers view the dashmanan with disdain. The way they dress (if they wear turbans) evokes a complex emotional response from village Ismai'li who associate turbans with the Taliban and the Taliban's persecution of non-Sunni Muslims. Rather than engaging in the discussions the villagers conduct, the dashmanan recite Qu'ranic verses. Some villagers equate this with narrow-mindedness; furthermore, the dashmanan's body-centered attempts to follow the sunna often label them incapable of thought. Not all of them are viewed this way, though. The dashmanan are often the subject of jokes. However, many Rowshan people do take them seriously and approve of them. Having a newly-trained dashman in the house is a source of pride, but their views often cause conflicts in the households they return to - they try to change household practices to conform to "proper" Islamic practices.
Throughout Living Islam, Magnus Marsden repeats the theme of the hidden and open parts of life in Chitral. In the sixth chapter, Marsden seeks to show how this applies to the lives and practices of the Sunni ulama (or dashmanan) - "men of learning" - in the village of Rowshan.
Marsden also has other goals in this chapter. First, he wants to show the interaction between Sufi-centered and reform-oriented types of Islamic knowledge and practice. Marsden wants to analyze how these affect the dashmanan and how they are perceived by the community. Second, he wants to explore the interaction between the changes men returning from madrasas wish to instill, and the emotional and intellectual response of villagers to the dashmanan and their Islamising messages. To what extent do the villagers defer to what the dashmanan teach? Marsden explores how religious education impacts the intellectual component of the village. He eventually concludes that Rowshan people think in a "multidimensional" way about the village's dashmanan, and that Rowshan villagers exercise a degree of choice, thought, and reflection that seems at odds with the account of ulama, madrasas, and "Taliban-style brainwashing" associated with South Asia. He also concludes that classifying Chitral's Muslims in either/or categories of religious views (such as traditionalist or Islamist, strict or liberal) over simplifies Islam in Rowshan. Ordinary villagers and dashmanan alike participate in thought and reasoning, and how to live a "mindful Muslim life." Rowshan people believe that both intellectual work and religious learning can "transform" emotional states. However, Rowshan people do have anxieties about excessive learning and improper religious education.
Insofar as religious education in the village is concerned, both girls and boys receive both "worldly" education and religious education. The religious schools are divided between Sunnis and Ismai'lis. Sunni children learn the Qu'ran and the Hadith by recognized dashmanan. They first memorize the Qu'ran, and then later receive stock "catechesis" on the meaning of the verses they have memorized. Ismai'li children are taught from approved Ismai'li textbooks by people who have taken some Ismai'li religious courses. While Ismai'li girls receive religious education until 18, Sunni girls receive it until around 12, when they are subject to more rigorous purdah than Ismai'li girls. Only a small number of boys from Rowshan study in madrasas. Marsden attributes this in part due to the Ismai'li population (Ismai'i boys never attend madrasas) and that the village associates madrasas with narrow minds. "Narrow minds" are viewed as a threat to village life.
The response to dashmanan varies in Rowshan. Some of Rowshan's villagers view the dashmanan with disdain. The way they dress (if they wear turbans) evokes a complex emotional response from village Ismai'li who associate turbans with the Taliban and the Taliban's persecution of non-Sunni Muslims. Rather than engaging in the discussions the villagers conduct, the dashmanan recite Qu'ranic verses. Some villagers equate this with narrow-mindedness; furthermore, the dashmanan's body-centered attempts to follow the sunna often label them incapable of thought. Not all of them are viewed this way, though. The dashmanan are often the subject of jokes. However, many Rowshan people do take them seriously and approve of them. Having a newly-trained dashman in the house is a source of pride, but their views often cause conflicts in the households they return to - they try to change household practices to conform to "proper" Islamic practices.
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